Jaunumi

Vergu tirgi

Vergu tirgi


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

17. gadsimtā eiropieši sāka veidot apmetnes Amerikā. Šajās plantācijās, piemēram, tabakā, rīsos, cukurniedrēs un kokvilnā, audzētās kultūras bija darbietilpīgas. Eiropas imigranti bija devušies uz Ameriku, lai iegūtu savu zemi, un nelabprāt strādāja citu labā. No Lielbritānijas tika nosūtīti notiesātie, taču to nebija pietiekami, lai apmierinātu milzīgo darbaspēka pieprasījumu. Stādītāji tāpēc sāka pirkt vergus. Sākumā tie nāca no Rietumindijas, bet 18. gadsimta beigās tie nāca tieši no Āfrikas, un Filadelfijā, Ričmondā, Čārlstonā un Ņūorleānā tika izveidoti rosīgi vergu tirgi.

1848. gadā pret verdzību vērstais kampaņas dalībnieks Viljams Vels Brauns aprakstīja, kāds ir vergu tirgus: "Tikai dažas personas, kas ir apmeklējušas vergu valstis, pēc atgriešanās nav stāstījušas par vergu bandām, kuras bija redzējušas ceļā uz dienvidu tirgus. Šī tirdzniecība piedāvā dažas no pretīgākajām un briesmīgākajām ainām, kādas vien var iedomāties. Vergu cietumi, vergu izsoles, roku dzelži, pātagas, ķēdes, asinssuņi un citi nežēlības instrumenti ir daļa no mēbelēm, kas pieder amerikāņu vergu tirdzniecība. Pietiek likt cilvēcei asiņot katrā porā, lai redzētu šīs spīdzināšanas ierīces. Tikai Dievam ir zināms cilvēku moku un ciešanu daudzums, kas sūta kliedzienu no šiem vergu cietumiem, nedzirdēts vai neuzklausīts. vīrietis līdz ausij; mātes raud par saviem bērniem - pārtraucot nakts klusumu ar sirdi plosošām sirdīm. Mēs vēlamies, lai neviens cilvēks nepiedzīvotu nevajadzīgu sāpju emocijas, bet mēs vēlamies, lai katrs vīrietis, sieviete un bērns Jaunanglijā, varētu apmeklēt dienvidu vergu cietums un izsoļu stends. "

Kā paskaidroja Henrijs Bibs Amerikāņu vergu dzīve un piedzīvojumi (1851): "Vergu var pirkt un pārdot tirgū kā vērsi. Viņu var pārdot uz tālu zemi no savas ģimenes. Viņš ir sasiets ar rokām un kājām, un viņa ciešanas ir simtiem smagākas ar šausmīgu domu, ka viņam nav ļauts cīnīties pret nelaimi, miesas sodiem, apvainojumiem un sašutumiem, kas izdarīti pret viņu un ģimeni; un viņam nav atļauts palīdzēt sev, pretoties vai izvairīties no trieciena, ko viņš uzskata par gaidāmu Es biju vergs, visu mūžu ieslodzītais; es nevarēju neko nedz iegūt, nedz iegūt neko citu, kā tikai to, kas jāpieder manam sargam. Neviens nevar iedomāties manas jūtas manos pārdomu brīžos, izņemot to, kurš pats ir bijis vergs. "

Solomons Northup bija brīvs cilvēks, kurš dzīvoja Saratogapringsā, kad viņu nolaupīja Teofiluss Frīmens no Ņūorleānas. Savā autobiogrāfijā, Divpadsmit gadi vergs (1853) viņš aprakstīja, kā pret viņu izturas vergu izsolē: "Pirmkārt, mums bija rūpīgi jānomazgājas, un tiem, kuriem bija bārda, jāskujas. Pēc tam mums tika piešķirts jauns tērps, lēts, bet tīrs. vīriešiem bija cepure, mētelis, krekls, bikses un apavi; sievietēm kalikona zeķbikses un kabatlakatiņi, ko ap galvu sasiet. Tagad mūs ieveda lielā telpā ēkas priekšējā daļā, pie kuras bija piestiprināts pagalms. pirms klientu uzņemšanas. Emīlija bija sieviešu rindas pakājē. Frīmens lika mums atcerēties savas vietas; mudināja mūs izskatīties gudriem un dzīviem ... Pēc barošanas pēcpusdienā mūs atkal parādīja un lika dejot . "

Northup aprakstīja Elīzas bērnu Emīlijas un Rendalas pārdošanu: "Līdz tam laikam viņa bija kļuvusi nolaidīga un ar dobām acīm no slimībām un bēdām. Būtu atvieglojums, ja es varētu klusējot pāriet uz ainu, kas tagad notika. atgādina atmiņas, kas ir bēdīgākas un ietekmīgākas, nekā var attēlot neviena valoda. Esmu redzējis mātes, kas pēdējo reizi skūpstīja mirušo pēcnācēju sejas; esmu redzējusi, kā viņas skatās uz kapu, kad zeme nokrita ar blāvu skaņu uz viņu zārkiem, uz visiem laikiem slēpjot viņus no viņu acīm; bet nekad neesmu redzējis tik intensīvu, neizmērojamu un neierobežotu skumju izstādi kā Elīzas šķiršanās no sava bērna. Viņa atrāvās no savas vietas sieviešu rindā un metās lejā, kur bija Emīlija. stāvēja, satvēra viņu rokās. Bērns, sajutis tuvas briesmas, instinktīvi piestiprināja rokas ap mātes kaklu un iebāza mazo galvu pie krūtīm. Frīmena stingri lika viņai klusēt, bet viņa neklausīja čau. m. Viņš satvēra viņu aiz rokas un rupji pavilka, bet viņa tikai pieķērās bērnam tuvāk .... Viņa lūdza vīrieti viņu nepirkt, ja vien viņš nenopirka arī viņu pašu un Emīliju. Viņa apsolīja, ka tādā gadījumā būs visuzticīgākais vergs, kāds jebkad dzīvojis. Vīrietis atbildēja, ka nevar to atļauties, un tad Elīza, nožēlojami raudādama, izplūda bēdu paroksismā. Frīmens pagriezās pret viņu, mežonīgi, ar pātagu paceltā rokā, pavēlot viņai pārtraukt troksni, pretējā gadījumā viņš viņu noplaks ... ja vien viņa neapstāsies šajā minūtē, viņš aizvedīs viņu uz pagalmu un iedos simtu skropstas. Jā, viņš diezgan ātri izņemtu no viņas muļķības - ja viņš to nedarītu, viņš varētu būt miris. Elīza sarāvās viņa priekšā un centās noslaucīt asaras, taču tas viss bija veltīgi. Viņa gribēja būt kopā ar saviem bērniem, viņa teica, ka maz laika, kas viņai bija jādzīvo. Visas Frīmena pieres un draudi nevarēja pilnībā apklusināt slimo māti. Viņa turpināja ubagot un lūdza viņus, visžēlīgāk, lai neatdalītu trīs. Atkal un atkal viņa stāstīja, kā mīl savu zēnu. Ļoti daudzas reizes viņa atkārtoja savus iepriekšējos solījumus - cik ļoti uzticīga un paklausīga viņa būtu; cik smagi viņa strādās dienu un nakti, līdz pēdējam dzīves brīdim, ja viņš tos pirks tikai kopā. Bet no tā nebija nekāda labuma; vīrietis to nevarēja atļauties. "

Mērija Prinsa bija tikai bērns, kad viņu pārdeva kā vergu Bermudu salās. "Mūsu māte, raudādama, ejot, aicināja mani prom kopā ar bērniem Hannu un Dīnu, un mēs devāmies ceļā, kas veda uz Hemblas pilsētu, kuru sasniedzām aptuveni četros pēcpusdienā. Mēs sekojām mammai līdz tirgum- vieta, kur viņa mūs novietoja rindā pret lielu māju, ar muguru pret sienu un rokas sakrustojusi krūtis. Es kā vecākā stāvēju pirmā, Hanna man blakus, tad Dina; un mūsu māte stāvēja blakus , raudot pār mums. Mana sirds tik spēcīgi pukstēja no bēdām un šausmām, ka es diezgan cieši piespiedu rokas pie krūtīm, bet es nevarēju to turēt nekustīgu, un tā turpināja lēkt tā, it kā tā izlauztos no mana ķermeņa. kurš par to rūpējās? Vai viens no daudzajiem apkārtējiem, kas uz mums tik pavirši skatījās, domāja par sāpēm, kas sagrāva nēģeriešu un viņas jauniešu sirdis? Nē, nē! Tās visas nebija sliktas, es uzdrošinos teikt , bet verdzība nocietina balto cilvēku sirdis pret melnajiem; un daudzi no viņiem nesteidzīgi izteica mūsu piezīmes skaļi, neņemot vērā mūsu bēdas - lai gan viņu vieglie vārdi kā kajena krita uz mūsu sirds svaigām brūcēm. Ak, tiem baltajiem cilvēkiem ir mazas sirdis, kuras var just tikai paši. Beidzot ieradās vendu meistars, kuram bija jāpiedāvā mūs pārdot kā aitām vai liellopiem, un jautāja manai mātei, kura ir vecākā. Viņa neko neteica, bet norādīja uz mani. Viņš paņēma mani aiz rokas un izveda ielas vidū, un, lēnām pagriežot mani, pakļāva mani tiem, kas apmeklēja tirdzniecības vietu. Drīz man apkārt bija dīvaini vīrieši, kuri mani izmeklēja un izturējās tādā pašā veidā, kā miesnieks vēlētos teļu vai jēru, kuru viņš gatavojās iegādāties, un kas līdzīgi runāja par manu formu un augumu - it kā es vairs nevarētu. saprast to nozīmi nekā mēmi zvēri. Pēc tam mani ievietoja pārdošanā. Solīšana sākās no dažām mārciņām un pakāpeniski pieauga līdz piecdesmit septiņiem, kad es tiku notriekts līdz augstākajam solītājam; un cilvēki, kas stāvēja blakus, teica, ka es biju atņēmis lielu summu tik jaunam vergam. Pēc tam es redzēju, ka manas māsas tiek vestas ārā un pārdotas dažādiem īpašniekiem: tā ka mums nebija skumja gandarījuma par to, ka esam verdzības partneri. Kad izpārdošana bija beigusies, mana māte apskāva un noskūpstīja mūs un apraudāja mūs, lūdzot, lai mēs saglabātu labu sirdi un pildītu savu pienākumu pret mūsu jaunajiem kungiem. Tā bija bēdīga šķiršanās; viens gāja vienu, otrs, un mūsu nabaga mammīte devās mājās bez nekā. "

Džeimss Peningtons stāsta savu autobiogrāfiju, Bēgušais kalējs (1859. g.) Par to, kā Reičela tika pārdota Gruzijai, jo meistara dēls bija viņā iemīlējies: "Manam kungam kādreiz piederēja skaista, apmēram divdesmit četrus gadus veca meitene. Viņa bija uzaugusi ģimenē, kur viņas mamma bija liela favorīte. Viņa bija viņas mātes mīļais bērns. Viņas meistars bija jurists ar izcilām spējām un lielu slavu, bet nesavaldības ieradumu dēļ viņam neizdevās bizness, un mans meistars iegādājās šo meiteni medmāsai. Pēc tam, kad viņš bija viņai piederējis apmēram gadu no viņa dēliem pieķērās viņai bez goda mērķiem; fakts, kas bija ne tikai labi zināms visiem vergiem, bet arī kļuva par viņa mātes un māsu nelaimes cēloni. pārdots Gruzijai. Nekad neaizmirsīšu sirdi plosošo ainu, kad kādu dienu vienam no vīriešiem tika pavēlēts sagatavot “zirga pajūgu, lai viņš varētu doties pilsētā”; Reičela ar dažiem apģērba gabaliem tika ievietota un aizveda uz pilsētu, kurā dzīvoja viņas vecāki, un tur pārdeva tirgotājiem viņu raudošo acu priekšā. Tas pats dēls, kurš viņu bija pazemojis un kurš bija viņas pārdošanas cēlonis, darbojās kā pārdevējs un vekseļs. "

Tikai dažas personas, kas ir apmeklējušas vergu valstis, pēc atgriešanās nav stāstījušas par vergu bandām, kuras bija redzējušas ceļā uz dienvidu tirgu. Pietiek, lai liktu cilvēcei asiņot katrā porā, lai redzētu šīs spīdzināšanas ierīces.

Tikai Dievam ir zināms cilvēku moku un ciešanu apjoms, kas sūta kliedzienu no šiem vergu cietumiem, kurus cilvēks nedzird vai neuzklausa, līdz Viņa ausij; mātes, kas raud par saviem bērniem - pārtraucot nakts klusumu ar salauzto siržu kliedzieniem. Mēs nevēlamies nevienam cilvēkam piedzīvot nevajadzīgu sāpju emocijas, taču vēlamies, lai ikviens vīrietis, sieviete un bērns Jaunanglijā varētu apmeklēt dienvidu vergu cietumu un izsoles stendu.

Es nekad neaizmirsīšu ainu, kas notika Sentluisas pilsētā, kamēr es biju verdzībā. Vīrietis un viņa sieva, abi vergi, tika atvesti no valsts uz pilsētu pārdošanai. Viņi tika nogādāti izsolītāju Austin & Savage istabās.

Bija klāt vairāki vergu spekulanti, kuri vienmēr ir atrodami izsolēs, kur paredzēts pārdot vergus. Vīrietis vispirms tika salikts un pārdots visaugstākās cenas solītājam. Tālāk sievai tika pavēlēts kāpt uz platformas. Es biju klāt. Viņa lēnām izpildīja pavēli. Sākās izsoles vadītājs, un drīz vien tika solīti vairāki simti dolāru. Manas acis bija intensīvi piestiprinātas sievietes sejai, kuras vaigi bija slapji no asarām. Bet saruna starp vergu un viņa jauno saimnieku piesaistīja manu uzmanību. Es tuvojos viņiem, lai klausītos. Vergs lūdza savu jauno saimnieku iegādāties sievu. Viņš teica: "Skolotāj, ja tu nopirksi tikai Fanniju, es zinu, ka tu iegūsi savu naudu. Viņa ir laba pavāre, laba veļas mazgātāja, un viņas pēdējai saimniecei viņa ļoti patika. Ja tu viņu nopirksi tikai kā es būšu laimīgs. " Jaunais meistars atbildēja, ka nevēlas viņu, bet, ja viņa pārdos lēti, viņš viņu iegādāsies. Es vēroju vīrieša seju, kamēr dažādas personas solīja viņa sievu. Kad viņa jaunais saimnieks solīja sievu, jūs redzējāt smaidu uz viņa sejas, un asaras apstājās; bet, tiklīdz kāds cits solītu, jūs varētu redzēt sejas maiņu un asaras sākas no jauna.

No šīs sejas pārmaiņas varēja redzēt iekšējās dvēseles darbību. Bet šī spriedze nebija ilga; sieva tika noraidīta augstākās cenas solītājam, kurš izrādījās, ka nav sava vīra īpašnieks. Tiklīdz viņi uzzināja, ka viņus šķirs, abi izplūda asarās; un, kad viņa nokāpa no izsoles stenda, vīrs, piegājis pie viņas un satvēris viņu aiz rokas, sacīja: "Nu, Fannij, mēs uz visiem laikiem šķirsimies uz zemes; tu man esi bijusi laba sieva. darīju visu iespējamo, lai mans jaunais kungs jūs nopirktu; bet viņš jūs negribēja, un man atliek tikai teikt: es ceru, ka jūs mēģināsit mani satikt debesīs. Es mēģināšu jūs tur satikt. " Sieva neko neatbildēja, bet viņas raudas un raudas pārāk labi stāstīja par viņas jūtām. Es redzēju vairāku baltu seju, kas bija klāt un kuru acis bija asaras aptumšotas, dzirdot, kā vīrietis atvadās no sievas. Tie ir tikai bieži sastopami gadījumi vergu štatos. Šajos izsoļu stendos cilvēku kauli, muskuļi, cīpslas, asinis un nervi tiek pārdoti ar tikpat vienaldzīgu attieksmi kā ziemeļu zemnieks zirgu vai aitu.

Pirmkārt, mums bija rūpīgi jānomazgā, bet tiem, kuriem ir bārda, - jāskujas. Frīmens lika mums atcerēties savas vietas; mudināja mūs izskatīties gudriem un dzīviem, dažkārt draudīgiem, un atkal, veicinot dažādus pamudinājumus. Dienas laikā viņš mūs īstenoja mākslā “izskatīties gudri” un ar precīzu pārvietošanos uz savām vietām.

Pēc barošanas pēcpusdienā mūs atkal parādīja un lika dejot. Bobs, krāsains zēns, kurš kādu laiku piederēja Frīmenam, spēlēja uz vijoles. Stāvot netālu no viņa, es drosmīgi jautāju, vai viņš varētu spēlēt "Virdžīnijas spoli". Viņš atbildēja, ka nevar, un jautāja, vai es varu spēlēt. Atbildot apstiprinoši, viņš pasniedza man vijoli. Izgāju melodiju un pabeidzu. Frīmens lika man turpināt spēlēt, un likās ļoti apmierināts, sakot Bobam, ka esmu viņu izcili izteicis - piezīme, kas, šķiet, ļoti skumdināja manu muzikālo pavadoni.

Nākamajā dienā daudzi klienti zvanīja, lai pārbaudītu Frīmena "jauno partiju". Pēdējais džentlmenis bija ļoti dumjš, ilgi apsverot mūsu daudzos labos punktus un īpašības. Viņš liks mums pacelt galvu, sparīgi staigāt šurpu turpu, kamēr klienti sajūt mūsu rokas, rokas un ķermeni, pagriezīsies, jautās, ko mēs varētu darīt, liks mums atvērt muti un parādīt zobus tieši tā, kā žokejs pārbauda zirgu, kuru viņš gatavojas apmainīt vai iegādāties. Dažreiz vīrieti vai sievieti aizveda atpakaļ uz pagalmā esošo mazo māju, to izģērba un sīki pārbaudīja. Rētas uz verga muguras tika uzskatītas par pierādījumu dumpīgam vai nepaklausīgam garam un kaitēja viņa pārdošanai.

Kāds vecs kungs, kurš teica, ka vēlas kučieri, man šķita iedomājies. No viņa sarunas ar Bērču es uzzināju, ka viņš ir pilsētas iedzīvotājs. Es ļoti vēlējos, lai viņš mani nopērk, jo es iedomājos, ka nebūs grūti izbēgt no Ņūorleānas ar kādu ziemeļu kuģi. Frīmens man par viņu prasīja piecpadsmit simtus dolāru. Vecais kungs uzstāja, ka tas ir par daudz, jo laiki bija ļoti smagi. Frīmens tomēr paziņoja, ka esmu vesels, vesels, ar labu uzbūvi un saprātīgu. Viņš nolēma paplašināt manus muzikālos sasniegumus. Vecais kungs diezgan izveicīgi iebilda, ka ****** nav nekas ārkārtējs, un visbeidzot, par nožēlu, izgāja ārā, sakot, ka piezvanīs vēlreiz. Tomēr dienas laikā tika veikti vairāki pārdošanas darījumi. Deividu un Karolīnu kopā iegādājās Natchez stādītājs. Viņi mūs pameta, plaši smaidīdami un vislaimīgākajā prāta stāvoklī, ko izraisīja fakts, ka viņi nav šķīrušies. Letē tika pārdota Batonrūžas stādītājam, un viņas acis aiz dusmām zibēja, kad viņu aizveda.

Tas pats vīrietis iegādājās arī Rendalu. Mazajam puisim lika lēkt, skriet pa grīdu un veikt daudzus citus varoņdarbus, parādot savu aktivitāti un stāvokli. Visu laiku, kad norisinājās tirdzniecība, Elīza skaļi raudāja un salika rokas. Frīmens pagriezās pret viņu, mežonīgi, ar pātagu paceltā rokā, pavēlot viņai pārtraukt troksni, pretējā gadījumā viņš viņu nopuks. Viņam nebūtu šāda darba - tāda sniveling; un, ja vien viņa neapstāsies šajā minūtē, viņš aizvedīs viņu uz pagalmu un iedos simts skropstas. Bet no tā nebija nekāda labuma; vīrietis to nevarēja atļauties. Tika panākta vienošanās, un Rendolam jādodas vienam. Tad Elīza skrēja pie viņa; kaislīgi apskāva viņu; noskūpstīja viņu atkal un atkal; lika viņam atcerēties viņu - visu laiku viņas asaras bira puisim sejā kā lietus.

Diez vai pagāja diena, kad kāds no maniem ilgi apspiestajiem cilvēkiem netiktu novietots pie pātagas, un tur nežēlīgi sita. Katru izsoles dienu daudzi tika pārdoti uz Gruziju vai kādu citu tālu dienvidu štatu, un tos bieži varēja redzēt uzņēmumos, saslēgti rokudzelžos un ceļā uz dienvidu tirgiem, lemti, lemti mūžīgai verdzībai. Tik absolūti vergi bija savu saimnieku varā, ka viņi tika ieķīlāti, iznomāti, apmainīti, paņemti pret parādu vai spēlēja pie azartspēļu galda; un vīrieši sievietes un bērni tika pārdoti izsolē publiskajā izsoļu blokā - vīri un sievas šķīrās, nekad vairs nesatikās, un mazi bērni tika norauti no vecāku mīlošajām rokām un pārdoti verdzībā un svešu cilvēku rokās no tālienes. daļas.

Vergu tirgū var pirkt un pārdot kā vērsi. Neviens nevar iedomāties manas jūtas manos pārdomu brīžos, bet tas, kurš pats ir bijis vergs.

Pamazām pienāca melnais rīts; manai nabaga mātei un mums tas nāca pārāk ātri. Kamēr viņa uzvilka mums jaunās osnaburgas, kurās mūs pārdeva, viņa bēdīgā balsī sacīja: (Es to nekad neaizmirsīšu!) „Redzi, es apsegu savus nabaga bērnus; kāds uzdevums mātei! " - Pēc tam viņa piezvanīja Betsijas jaunkundzei, lai viņa mūs pamet. "Es vedīšu savus mazos cāļus uz tirgu," (tie bija viņas vārdi.) "Paskaties uz tiem pēdējo reizi: iespējams, tu viņus vairs neredzēsi." "Ak, mani nabaga vergi! Mani paši vergi!" mīļā Betsijas jaunkundze sacīja: "Jūs piederat man: un man sāp sirds šķirties no jums." - Betsijas jaunkundze mūs visus noskūpstīja, un, kad viņa mūs pameta, mana māte sauca pārējos vergus, lai atvadītos. Viena no viņām, sieviete vārdā Moll, ieradās ar zīdaini rokās. "Ak!" teica mana māte, redzot, kā viņa novērsās un ar asarām acīs paskatījās uz savu bērnu, "nāk jūsu kārta." Vergi nevarēja neko teikt, lai mūs mierinātu; viņi varēja tikai raudāt un žēloties kopā ar mums. Kad es atstāju savus mīļos mazos brāļus un māju, kurā biju audzināta, es domāju, ka mana sirds pārsprāgs.

Mūsu māte, raudādama, ejot, aicināja mani prom kopā ar bērniem Hannu un Dīnu, un mēs devāmies ceļā, kas veda uz Hemblas pilsētu, kuru sasniedzām aptuveni četros pēcpusdienā. Ak, tiem baltajiem cilvēkiem ir mazas sirdis, kuras var just tikai paši.

Beidzot ieradās vendu meistars, kuram bija jāpiedāvā mūs pārdot kā aitām vai liellopiem, un jautāja manai mātei, kura ir vecākā. Solīšana sākās no dažām mārciņām un pakāpeniski pieauga līdz piecdesmit septiņiem, kad es tiku notriekts līdz augstākajam solītājam; un cilvēki, kas stāvēja blakus, teica, ka es biju atņēmis lielu summu tik jaunam vergam.

Pēc tam es redzēju, ka manas māsas tiek vestas ārā un pārdotas dažādiem īpašniekiem: lai mēs nebūtu bēdīgi apmierināti, būdami verdzības partneri. Tā bija bēdīga šķiršanās; viens gāja vienu, otrs, un mūsu nabaga mammīte mājās devās bez nekā.

Mēs nebijām daudz dienu tirgotāja apcietinājumā, pirms mūs pārdeva pēc viņu ierastā režīma, kas ir šāds: Pēc dota signāla (kā bungas sitiens) pircēji uzreiz steidzas pagalmā, kur atrodas vergi, un izvēlieties to paku, kas viņiem patīk vislabāk. Tas troksnis un kņada, ar ko tas notiek, un pircēju acīs redzamā kāre ne mazums palīdz pārbiedēt afrikāņus, kuri, iespējams, varētu uzskatīt viņus par šīs iznīcināšanas kalpotājiem. domā, ka ir veltīti.

Šādā veidā bez skrupuliem tiek šķirtas attiecības un draugi, lielākā daļa no viņiem nekad vairs neredzēsies. Es atceros, ka traukā, kurā mani pārveda, vīriešu dzīvoklī atradās vairāki brāļi, kuri pārdošanā tika pārdoti dažādās partijās; un šajā reizē bija ļoti aizkustinoši redzēt un dzirdēt viņu saucienus šķiroties. Vai nepietiek ar to, ka esam atrauti no savas valsts un draugiem, strādājot par jūsu greznību un peļņas kāri? Vai katra maiga sajūta ir jāupurē jūsu skopumam? Vai visdārgākie draugi un attiecības, kas tagad ir kļuvušas dārgākas, šķiroties no radiniekiem, joprojām ir šķirti viens no otra un tādējādi tiek liegts uzmundrināt verdzības drūmumu ar nelielu komfortu būt kopā; un sajaucot viņu ciešanas un bēdas? Kāpēc vecāki zaudē bērnus, brāļi māsas, vīri - sievas? Protams, šī ir jauna nežēlības izsmalcinātība, kas, lai gan tai nav nekādas priekšrocības, lai to izpirktu, tādējādi pastiprina ciešanas; un pievieno svaigas šausmas pat verdzības nožēlojamībai.

Manam kungam savulaik piederēja skaista, apmēram divdesmit četrus gadus veca meitene. Pēc tam, kad viņš bija viņai piederējis apmēram gadu, viens no viņa dēliem pieķērās viņai bez goda mērķiem; fakts, kas bija ne tikai labi zināms visiem vergiem, bet kļuva par viņa mātes un māsu nelaimes avotu.

Rezultātā nabaga Reičela bija jāpārdod uz Gruziju. Tas pats dēls, kurš viņu bija pazemojis un kurš bija viņas pārdošanas cēlonis, darbojās kā pārdevējs un vekseļs. Kamēr šis nežēlīgais bizness tika darīts, mans meistars stāvēja malā, un meitenes tēvs, dievbijīgs biedrs un pamudinātājs Metodistu baznīcā, cienījams pelēcīgs cilvēks, ar cepuri nost, lūdza, lai viņam atļauj kādu ievest. vieta, kur iegādāties savu bērnu. Bet nē: mans saimnieks bija neuzvarams. Viņa atbilde bija: "Viņa ir apvainojusies manā ģimenē, un es varu atjaunot uzticību, tikai nosūtot viņu no dzirdes." Pēc neilga laika gulēšanas cietumā viņas jaunais īpašnieks aizveda viņu kopā ar citiem uz tālajiem dienvidiem, kur vecāki par viņu vairs nedzirdēja.


Ziņkārīgais Luiss: atklāj, kas palicis pāri Sentluisas un#x27 vergu tirdzniecības pagātnei

Pirms pilsoņu kara Bernardam Linčam piederēja Sentluisas lielākais vergu tirgus. Viņa darbībā ietilpa birojs Locust ielā 104, kā arī pildspalva vergiem 5. un Mirtlā, mūsdienu Brodvejā un Klārkā.

Pēc kara Linča vergu pildspalva kļuva par uzņēmuma Meyer Brothers Drug uzglabāšanas ēku, un 1963. gadā tā tika nojaukta, lai izveidotu Buša stadionu II.

Klausītāja Anne Walker rakstīja ziņkārīgajam Luisam, domādama, vai no pildspalvas ir palikuši artefakti.

Trešdien Sentluisa ēterā, saimnieks Dons Maršs runāja ar Misūri vēstures muzeja bibliotekāru Kristoferu Gordonu un Lindenvudas universitātes Amerikas kultūras studiju profesori Andželu da Silvu, lai atbildētu uz mūsu klausītāja jautājumu.

Tātad, vai no vergu pildspalvas ir kādi artefakti? Īsā atbilde, pēc Gordona teiktā, ir nē - kad ēku nojauca 1963. gadā, nebija nekādu centienu to saglabāt. Šodien pildspalva pastāv tikai vecās fotogrāfijās. "Sešdesmitajos līdz septiņdesmitajos gados," sacīja Gordons, "cilvēki nebija tik ieinteresēti glābt veco."

"Mēs bijām pilsoņu tiesību kustības augstākajā līmenī," piebilda da Silva. "[Pilsēta] baidījās to parādīt."

Vergu pildspalva bija labi paslēpta pat pirms tās nojaukšanas. Tā atradās apakšpagrabā, lai kliedzieni, vaimanāšana un miesas sodi notiktu tuvumā dzīvojošo cilvēku redzes un dzirdes zonā.

Kā tika izmantota vergu pildspalva?

Tas būtu turējis verdzībā esošos cilvēkus, kurus paredzēts pārdot izsolē. Tā būtu kalpojusi arī kā cietums bez maksas krāsainiem cilvēkiem, kuri pārkāpa komandantstundu, ko noteica vietējie melnie kodi. "Ja es, pat būdams melns, nevarētu izkāpt no ielas, man būtu jāpierakstās Bernarda M. Linča vergu pildspalvā, lai izvairītos no 39 skropstām par komandantstundas pārkāpumu," sacīja Silva.

Vergu izsoles notika vismaz reizi nedēļā, un tās notika ārpus Vecās tiesas nama. Cenas verdzībā esošajiem cilvēkiem atšķīrās atkarībā no vecuma un dzimuma, taču Gordons teica, ka tās būtu maksājušas no 750 USD līdz 1800 USD, „tajā laikā ievērojama naudas summa”.

Vergu izsoles atkārtota rīkošana

2011. gada pilsoņu kara piemiņas ietvaros da Silva palīdzēja organizēt vergu izsoles atkārtotu darbību un pati spēlēja verga lomu. "Mēs sākām ar Linča vergu pildspalvu, grabējot [mūsu] ķēdes, ejot līdz tiesas namam," viņa sacīja. "Mēs visi vienojāmies, ka mēs to vairs nedarīsim. Tas tevi vienkārši novārdzināja. ”

1861. gadā Savienības karaspēks ienāca Sentluisā un sagrāba pilsētas vergu tirgus, un Linča vergu pildspalva tika izmantota konfederācijas līdzjūtēju turēšanai.

"Šajā konkrētajā vietā ir nedaudz taisnīguma," sacīja da Silva. "Bernarda M. Linča vergu pildspalva pārvērtās par cietumu tiem pašiem cilvēkiem, kuri turp devās iepirkties."

Kādā brīdī pats Linčs tika ieslodzīts savā cietuma kamerā.

Pēc atbrīvošanas Linčs aizbēga no Sentluisas un no viņa vairs netika dzirdēts. Viņš atstāja visu savā kabinetā, ieskaitot naudas kasti, kuru viņa lietvedis izglāba. Kase tagad atrodas Misūri vēstures muzeja kolekcijā - vienīgajā fiziskajā objektā no Linča biznesa, kas saglabājies.

Linča kase tika izstādīta kā daļa no muzeja Pilsoņu kara Misūri štatā 2011. gadā. Pašlaik tā nav izstādīta.

Sentluisa ēterā nes jums stāstus par Sentluisu un cilvēkiem, kuri dzīvo, strādā un rada mūsu reģionā. Sentluisas ēterā saimnieks Dons Māršs un ražotājiem Marija Edvardsa un Alekss Heiers sniedz jums informāciju, kas nepieciešama, lai pieņemtu apzinātus lēmumus un uzturētu sakarus ar mūsu daudzveidīgo un dinamisko Sentluisas reģionu.


Mūsdienu verdzība: publiskie tirgi, kas pārdod jaunas meitenes par 14 ASV dolāriem

Vergu tirgi aug visā Ugandas austrumos, gūstot labumu no nabadzības un nesenā sausuma.

Kad Kristīne Nambereke pagājušā gada septembrī aizbrauca no Ugandas uz Omānu, viņa cerēja, ka viņa ir ceļā, lai palīdzētu vīram un septiņiem bērniem cīnīties ar kropļojošo nabadzību. Aģents bija apsolījis 31 gadus vecajai sievietei mājkalpotājas darbu ar ikmēneša algu 600 000 šiliņu (168 ASV dolāri). Bet, kad viņa sasniedza Maskatu, viņa tika pārdota kā vergs. Un kad maija sākumā viņa atgriezās Ugandā, viņa bija mirusi.

Nambereke no Bumbo ciema Ugandas austrumos ir starp 16 ugandiešiem, kuri pagājušā gada laikā ir miruši Tuvajos Austrumos, liecina parlamenta ekspertu ziņojums no šī gada aprīļa. Šīs sievietes - viņas visas nomira nedabiskā nāvē pēc sūdzībām par ļaunprātīgu izmantošanu - ir tikai ekstrēmākie piemēri pieaugošai arvien atvērtākas un modernākas vergu tirdzniecības epidēmijai, kas sākas Ugandas austrumu reģionā un beidzas ar slēgtām telpām Persijas līča valstīs.

Viesstrādnieki no visas Āfrikas, Dienvidāzijas un Dienvidaustrumāzijas jau vairākus gadus ir sūdzējušies par ļaunprātīgu izmantošanu Tuvajos Austrumos. Bet pēdējā gada laikā Ugandas austrumi ir kļuvuši par divstoņu raketes teātri. Strauji augošajos iknedēļas tirgos dažām sievietēm tiek apsolīts darbs Persijas līcī, lai tās varētu pārdot tikai tad, kad viņas būs nokļuvušas, bet citas-daudzas no tām meitenes vecumā no 10 līdz 18 gadiem-tiek tieši un publiski “iegādātas” kā vergas Ugandā. un pēc tam tālāk pārdeva Tuvajos Austrumos, norāda Ugandas iestādes, Interpols, neatkarīgi eksperti, likumdevēji, upuri un viņu ģimenes.

Mūs pārdeva tā, it kā mēs būtu mājdzīvnieki.

Sieviešu publiskā pārdošana sākās Arapai, Ugandas austrumu otrajā lielākajā tirgū, kas atrodas 180 jūdzes uz ziemeļaustrumiem no galvaspilsētas Kampalas, 2018. gada janvārī, saka Edina Nagudi, vietējās valdības amatpersona, kas atbild par reģiona tirgiem. Tas sākās ar aptuveni piecu meiteņu izsoli katrā tirgus dienā, bet divu mēnešu laikā to skaits pieauga līdz 20, viņa saka. Šī prakse ātri izplatījās citos reģionālajos tirgos, piemēram, Chapi un Sire. Arapai vien dienā tagad tiek izsolītas līdz 50 meitenēm, stāsta Nagudi. Kopumā tiek lēsts, ka kopš pagājušā gada šajos tirgos ir nopirktas vairāk nekā 9000 meiteņu un jaunu sieviešu - tikai par 50 000 šiliņiem (14 ASV dolāri), norāda deputāte Betija Atima.

Sūdzības no nedaudzām šīm sievietēm un dažām citām, kuras, tāpat kā Nambereke, domāja, ka dodas darba meklējumos uz Tuvajiem Austrumiem, ir nonākušas Interpolā. Aģentūras pārstāvis Ugandā Vinsents Sekate apstiprina, ka šīs sievietes vienmēr nonāk mūsdienu verdzībā. Bet viņš atzīst, ka Interpols pēdējā gada laikā ir spējis izglābt tikai 12 Ugandas sievietes. Un dažiem pat nāve nenes slēgšanu. Pēc tam, kad oktobrī 22 gadus vecā Šivana Kihembo nomira Omānā-mēnešus pēc tam, kad viņa bija tur pārdota-meitas “īpašnieki” pajautāja viņas tēvam Patrikam Mugumei, vai viņš vēlas atgriezt viņas ķermeni.

"Es pārdevu savu zemi ... un nosūtīju to viņas priekšniekam Omānā, pirms tika atbrīvots ķermenis," viņš saka.

Ņemot vērā asinis un darbu, kas viņus saista, varētu sagaidīt ciešas attiecības starp Ugandu un Persijas līča valstīm. Bet Omānā, Jordānijā un Kuveitā pat nav vēstniecību Kampalā. Viņu vēstniecības kaimiņos esošajā Kenijā neatbildēja uz OZY komentāru pieprasījumiem. Tiesa, viesstrādnieki no citām Āfrikas valstīm pēdējos gados ir cietuši no cilvēktiesību pārkāpumiem - un ne tikai Persijas līcī, bet arī Dienvidaustrumāzijā -, kas ir salīdzinājuši ar verdzību. Bet eksperti saka, ka atšķirība no Ugandas ir atvērtība, ar kādu sievietes tirgū tiek izsolītas līdzās mājdzīvniekiem un mājsaimniecības precēm.

Sisi Tukize apgalvo, ka, strādājot Omānā, bez viņas piekrišanas tika izņemta viena no viņas nierēm.

Kremācijas ceremonijā Namberekei liela daļa simtiem sērotāju dusmu bija vērsta uz Ugandas varas iestādēm. Oficiāli Uganda ir aizliegusi saviem pilsoņiem meklēt darbu lielākajā daļā Tuvo Austrumu valstu, izņemot Saūda Arābiju un Jordāniju, jo tai nav nekādu diplomātisku vienošanos par darba ņēmēju tiesībām ar šīm valstīm, saka Ugandas dzimumu lietu ministre Janat Mukwaya.

Tomēr šis aizliegums reti darbojas kā atturošs līdzeklis, ja tiek solīts, ka kritušo priekšā tiks gūti ievērojami ekonomiskie ieguvumi, saka eksperti. Ugandas ienākumi uz vienu iedzīvotāju ir 604 ASV dolāri, tāpēc Namberekei tika solīts trīs reizes vairāk nekā vidējais pilsonis. Nav arī pārsteigums, ka tirgi, kuros nelegālie tirgotāji atrod sievietes, kuras viņi var apmānīt vai iegādāties, galvenokārt atrodas Ugandas austrumos. Saskaņā ar Pasaules Bankas datiem tā ir valsts daļa, kurā nabadzība ir samazinājusies daudz mazāk nekā citos reģionos, un elektrība ir pieejama tikai 6 procentiem ģimeņu, salīdzinot ar 32 procentiem valsts centrālajā reģionā. Lai apietu aizliegumu, tirgotāji pēc pasu sakārtošanas aizved sievietes pāri robežai uz Keniju un pēc tam aizved uz Tuvajiem Austrumiem.

Tā kā viņi ceļo uz valstīm, kurās viņiem ir aizliegts legāli strādāt, pat tās sievietes, kuras sākotnēji domāja, ka saņem darbu, baidās mēģināt sazināties ar iestādēm, saka eksperti. Un viņu uzņemošajām valstīm - reģionā, kas nav pazīstama ar savu migrantu cilvēktiesību aizstāvību - ir mazs stimuls par prioritāti izvirzīt bažas par šiem vergiem, salīdzinot ar tām valstīm, kuras likumīgi uz turieni sūta strādniekus. Un tā verdzība tiek piestiprināta - tāpat kā nāves gadījumi. Tāpat kā Nambereke, Kezija Nalvanga aprīlī no Omānas mirušā atgriezās Ugandā, un medicīniskie ziņojumi liecina, ka viņa nomira nožņaugšanās rezultātā. Authorities are also recording cases of abuse from countries where Ugandans are legally allowed to work such as Jordan, Juliet Nakiyemba died at the age of 31 in October. A postmortem showed her kidneys had been removed prior to her death.

Some, like Stella Namazzi, who escaped from her masters in Jordan, return with tales of horror. “We were lined up in a big room,” she recalls. “Those who wanted to buy us came and pointed out who they wanted to buy. We were sold as if we were domestic animals.” For the traffickers, there’s big money involved: The women bought for $14 are sold for as much as $10,000 in the Middle East, authorities say.

When Zubedah Nakitende complained to her Jordanian employers that her hands were aching from work, her boss gave her what she thought was water to wash her hands. It turned out to be an acid that ate up her fingers. Unable to work anymore, she was sent back to Uganda — where she had to have her fingers amputated. “We should support such girls when they come back so that they go back to normal life,” says Sophia Namutebi, a respected philanthropist and traditional healer who helped Nakitende. “We should also support families of those who die while there.’’

But what about prevention and law enforcement? Uganda police spokesman Fred Enanga says they plan to raid the eastern Uganda markets where girls are being sold and arrest both the sellers and the buyers. John Mugisha, the probation officer in Uganda’s Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, says they’ve sent an investigation team to the country’s east to probe the slave trade. The ministry, Mugisha adds, has also requested a budget of 34 billion shillings (nearly $100,000) to help tackle the growing crisis and rehabilitate the children bought in the markets.


New York City's Slave Market by Sylviane Diouf June 29, 2015

On June 27, a plaque marking the site of New York City's main 18th-century slave market was unveiled in Lower Manhattan by Mayor Bill de Blasio. Reflecting on 300 years of local history, he drew a comparison between black life then and now: "It was true two, three centuries ago, even though it was never acknowledged. It was true then, it is true today. It will be true tomorrow. Black lives matter.” The recognition of black New Yorkers' vital role in the history of the city was long overdue.

This history had started with the arrival of a black man. In June 1613, Juan Rodrigues, a f ree sailor from Hispaniola (in what is today the Dominican Republic) who worked for a Dutch fur trading company, was left on Manhattan Island to trade with Native Americans. He was the first non-indigenous permanent resident of Manhattan and remained the only one until 1621 when the Dutch West India Company (WIC) built a settlement and began introducing African labor.

In 1626, 11 Africans from Congo, Angola, and the island of Sao Tome were transported to the small town. Eighteen years later, the men, who had petitioned the local Dutch authorities to get their freedom, were liberated. Each one received land. Their collective 300 acres stretched from the Bowery Road to 5th Avenue and 39th Street. Their freedom was conditional, though they had to deliver one “fat hog” and 22.5 bushels of corn, wheat, peas, or beans to the WIC every year or be re-enslaved. Their wives were freed too, but not their children.

Whereas during the Dutch period, 70 percent of the Africans came from the Caribbean under British rule — which started in 1664 — most arrived directly from Africa. Of the close to 4,000 people whose origins are known, 1,271 came from Madagascar, 998 from Congo, 757 from Senegambia, 504 from the Gold Coast (Ghana), 239 from Sierra Leone, and 217 from non-identified areas of the continent.

With the aggressive increase in the slave trade and the expansion of the city, an official slave market opened in 1711 by the East River on Wall Street between Pearl and Water Streets. By 1730, 42 percent of the population owned slaves, a higher percentage than in any other city in the country except Charleston, South Carolina. The enslaved population—which ranged between 15 and 20 percent of the total — literally built the city and was the engine that made its economy run.

The slave market on Wall Street closed in 1762 but men, women, and children continued to be bought and sold throughout the city.

After the abolition of slavery, which became effective on July 4, 1827, New York’s shameful history of discrimination, racism, rigid segregation, and anti-black violence continued. By the 1850s, the city was dominating the illegal international slave trade to the American South, Brazil, and Cuba. New York benefited much from slavery and the slave trade: southern cotton and sugar sailed to Europe from its harbor. Banks, insurance companies — among them Aetna, JP Morgan Chase, and New York Life — and lawyers made a brisk business with slaveholders and slave ship owners. Traders and builders outfitted slave ships.

In this northern city, pro-Confederate sentiment ran high, and in July 1863, during the infamous Draft Riots 11 black men were lynched, tortured, mutilated, some hung from lampposts and burned. About 100 people (mostly blacks) were killed in Manhattan and Brooklyn, 100 buildings were destroyed, the property damage was high. The brutal episode changed the demographics of black New York. From 12,472 in 1860, the black population decreased to 9,943 in 1865.

But through it all, from running away and launching revolts to establishing progressive churches, schools, abolition and mutual aid societies, black New Yorkers, enslaved and free, resisted and fought back.

We need many more markers to tell their heroic story.

The marker, the brainchild of writer and artist Christopher Cobb, took years and the advocacy of City Council member Jumaane Williams to become reality.

The text was written by the Parks Department and the Landmarks Preservation Commission in collaboration with former Schomburg Center curator and historian Christopher Moore.


What to Call It?

The St. Augustine pavilion has served as an "all-purpose protest site" from early twentieth-century socialists to suffragettes to Iraq war protesters. 19 David Nolan, interview with the author, March 22, 2012. "Slave market" is not found in written records until the 1870s. 20 For examples of the term "slave market" used prior to the 1880s, see Earnest A. Meyer, "Childhood Memories" reprinted in El Escribano: The St. Augustine Journal of History 44 (2007): 204, in which Meyer depicts the "slave market" dated 1875. An illustration in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper from May 1878 also depicts the "slave market." A portrait bust of female slave Nora August, inscribed in part, "purchased from the Market, St. Augustine, Florida April 17th 1860" is found in the sculpture collection at the Museum of the Confederacy, see Museum of the Confederacy, Before Freedom Came: African American Life in the Antebellum South (Richmond: Museum of the Confederacy and University of Virginia Press, 1991), cover, 8. As for what to call the site and how to present it publicly, plaza markers contradict each other (Figures 39–40). The predominantly white St. Augustine Historical Society now officially sanctions the structure as "a public market that had occasional slave sales." A historical marker, "Public Market Place," just south of the pavilion erected in 1970 by the St. Johns County Historical Commission details only the weights and measures first established there and omits any mention of slavery (Figures 17–18). Like much of St. Augustine's tourist infrastructure, the 1970 sign highlights Spanish colonial accounts, not African American history.

Slaves were sold in and around the public market. While most slave sales in pre-Civil War St. Augustine took place at plantations, in homes, or on boats, public transactions usually occurred on the steps of the Government House directly west of the plaza. Visiting St. Augustine in 1827, Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote of the slaves he saw auctioned in the Government House yard, including the sale of "four children without the mother who had been kidnapped therefrom." 21 Ralph Waldo Emerson, Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson, red. Edward Waldo Emerson and Waldo Emerson Forbes (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1909), 177, quoted in Len Gougeon, Virtue's Hero: Emerson, Antislavery, and Reform (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990), 33. Henry L. Richmond, "Ralph Waldo Emerson in Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly 18, no. 2 (October 1939): 75–93. Hoping that the balmy climate would cure his tuberculosis, the twenty-three-year-old Emerson saw his first slave sale while in the Government House for a Bible Society meeting. "One ear therefore heard the glad tidings of great joy," he wrote, "whilst the other was regaled with 'going gentlemen, going!'" 22 Gougeon, 33. Witnessing slavery firsthand confirmed his staunch abolitionism.

Figures 17–18. Holly Goldstein, Marker for "Public Market Place," Plaza de la Constitución, St. Augustine, Florida, 2012. Figure 17. Detail of the Marker. Figure 18. Marker for "Public Market Place" and the Market.

Deeds of sale and newspaper clippings document slave sales in the market. As examples, the St. John's County Deed book cites the sale of "two slaves [Malvina and Gabina, both about nineteen] . . . at public auction to the highest bidder at the market house in St. Augustine" in 1836 "the sale of a negro woman Sally at public auction in the market house" to settle the Mary Hanford estate and the auction of twenty-eight-year-old Tamaha, for $180. 23 County Deed Book, 24, 126, 288. Public Market Clippings File, St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library. These slave sales and others are also documented in E. W. Lawson, "The Slave Market," Today in St. Augustine, May 21, 1939. Public Market Clippings File, St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library. The East Florida Herald advertises slave sales to be held "in the public market" from the 1820s through the 1840s. 24 Auction advertisement from the East Florida Herald, October 31, 1827. Also recorded in Deed Book F, 394. In addition to auctions, the market was often the site for public corporal punishment. In August 1849 "a negro man named Daniel, the property of M. Antonio Bouke, was to receive thirty-nine stripes on his back in the public market for escaping" and "a negro man named Joseph received the same punishment in the public market" one week later. 25 Public Market Clippings File, St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library. The market also hosted meetings of the slave patrol, white citizens who apprehended "all slaves or free persons of color, who may be found in the streets thirty minutes after the ringing of the Bell without having a proper pass from their masters or guardians." 26 David Nolan, "Slaves Were Sold in Plaza Market," St. Augustine Record, September 27, 2009.

Introducing these names—Malvina, Gabina, Sally, Tamaha, Daniel, Joseph, and others—attaches human lives to St. Augustine's market, although precious few names were recorded and almost nothing is known about them. One first-person narrative, The Odyssey of an African Slave, recounts the story of Sitiki, later called Jack Smith, an African who died free in St. Augustine. 27 Griffin, Patricia, ed., The Odyssey of an African Slave (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009). While Sitiki was not sold at the market, his story of capture (as a five-year-old in Africa) and enslavement (traveling the eastern shore with various masters) offers a glimpse into this history. 28 Walter Johnson's Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001) examines the New Orleans slave market, North America's largest, where over 100,000 slaves were sold. While the rate of exchange in New Orleans vastly exceeds that of St. Augustine, Johnson's account of slave narratives, slave-owner letters, and court records offers insight into the commercial exchanges and human lives in St. Augustine.


Hidden Patterns no Pilsoņu karš

In March 1853, the English painter Eyre Crowe visited Richmond. Having recently read Uncle Tom's Cabin , on his first morning in the city Crowe promptly located some advertisements for slave auctions in a local paper, asked someone at his luxurious hotel (the American Hotel, located just a couple blocks south of Virginia's Capitol) for directions, and set off to witness the slave trade firsthand for himself. He didn't have to travel far down Main Street —just a few blocks—before he located the nucleus of Richmond's slave trading establishments on 15th or, as it was also known, Wall Street. He witnessed one auction, moved a bit down the road to another auction house to witness a second, and again to a third. In that third room, he took out paper and pencil to sketch a group of slaves waiting to be auctioned. Drawing these enslaved men and women rather than buying them was a suspicious and provocative thing to do. Fearing he might be an abolitionist, the dealers and buyers in the room soon threatened Crowe. While, by his own account, he didn't immediately flee lest he betray cowardice, he did display common sense he soon if unhurriedly left, making his retreat from Richmond's slave district.

This map, the accompanying essay, and the book on which they draw (Maurie McInnis, Slaves Waiting for Sale: Visualizing the Southern Slave Trade [University of Chicago Press, forthcoming, 2011]) provides the twenty-first century public a look at the Richmond Crowe saw. It shares one of the English painter's goals: to document the material culture of Richmond's slave market. On an 1856 map of Richmond we have placed representations of buildings from Richmond's commercial district. (The footprint of these buildings comes, for the most part, from Frederick W. Beers' 1876 Richmond City Atlas.) Those represented as grey had a wide assortment of uses: some were manufacturing or commercial establishments, others private residences, others combined both private and public functions. Those in red were in 1853 together constituted Richmond's slave market. They were auction houses where men and women were sold, slave jails where they were held prior to sale, and auxiliary businesses that supported the trade.

Interspersed among these buildings are numerous antebellum sketches, photographs, and daguerrotypes. These images convey something of what nineteenth-century Richmond and the city's slave market looked like. Use the navigational menu to explore this three dimensional environment. When clicked all of the slave market buildings and many other buildings will yield information their proprietors and functions in 1853. Double-clicking a sketch or photograph show that image aligned within the 3D model.

Mapping Richmond's Slave Trade is a collaborative project between scholars at the University of Richmond's Digital Scholarship Lab, Maurie McInnis, Associate Dean in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Virginia, and archivists at the Valentine Richmond History Center. Our goal in presenting this view of 1853 Richmond is to join the conversation about how Richmond represents its past (a conversation that has recently been organized and institutionalized through efforts such as the Future of Richmond's Past). Memorializing the civil war and antebellum past on the landscape is a familiar practice in the former capital of the Confederacy. Its memorialization, however, has rarely addressed the topics and places represented here.


This drawing of the slave ship Brookes shows the plan for packing 482 captive people onto the decks. This detailed cross sectional drawing was distributed by the Abolitionist Society in England as part of their campaign against the slave trade, and dates from 1789.


'It Was As if We Weren’t Human.' Inside the Modern Slave Trade Trapping African Migrants

B y the time his Libyan captors branded his face, Sunday Iabarot had already run away twice and had been sold three times.The gnarled scar that covers most of the left side of his face appears to show a crude number 3. His jailer carved it into his cheek with a fire-heated knife, cutting and cauterizing at the same time.

Iabarot left Nigeria in February 2016 with a plan to head northward and buy passage on a smuggler&rsquos boat destined for Europe, where he had heard from friends on Facebook that jobs were plentiful. The journey of more than 2,500 miles would take him across the trackless desert plains of Niger and through the lawless tribal lands of southern Libya before depositing him at the southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. He never made it. Instead, he was captured the moment he arrived in Libya, then sold to armed men who kept a stable of African migrants they exploited for labor and ransom.

The brand on his face, he says, was both punishment and a mark of identification. Fourteen other men who attempted to escape the fetid warehouse where they had been held as captive labor in Bani Walid, Libya, for several months in 2017 were similarly scarred, though the symbols differed. Iabarot, who is illiterate, wasn&rsquot sure if they were numbers or letters or merely the twisted doodles of deranged men who saw their black captives as little more than livestock to be bought and sold. &ldquoIt was as if we weren&rsquot human,&rdquo the 32-year-old from Benin City, Nigeria, tells TIME.

Iabarot is among an estimated 650,000 men and women who have crossed the Sahara over the past five years dreaming of a better life in Europe. Some are fleeing war and persecution. Others, like Iabarot, are leaving villages where economic dysfunction and erratic rainfall make it impossible to find work or even enough to eat. To make the harrowing journey, they enlist the services of trans-Saharan smugglers who profit by augmenting their truckloads of weapons, drugs and other contraband goods with human cargo.

But along the way, tens of thousands like Iabarot are finding themselves treated not just as cargo but as chattel and trapped in a terrifying cycle of extortion, imprisonment, forced labor and prostitution, according to estimates by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. &ldquoThey are not only facing inhuman treatment. They are being sold from one trafficker to another,&rdquo says Carlotta Sami, southern European regional spokesperson for UNHCR, the U.N. refugee agency. Essentially, they are slaves: human beings who have been reduced to being possessions with a fixed value, based on assessments of the kind of income they can accrue to their owners as targets for extortion, as unpaid labor or&mdashas is often the case with women&mdashprostitutes.

Slavery may seem like a relic of history. But according to the U.N.&rsquos International Labor Organization (ILO), there are more than three times as many people in forced servitude today as were captured and sold during the 350-year span of the transatlantic slave trade. What the ILO calls &ldquothe new slavery&rdquo takes in 25 million people in debt bondage and 15 million in forced marriage. As an illicit industry, it is one of the world&rsquos most lucrative, earning criminal networks $150 billion a year, just behind drug smuggling and weapons trafficking. &ldquoModern slavery is far and away more profitable now than at any point in human history,&rdquo says Siddharth Kara, an economist at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy.

The corridor from Africa&rsquos most populous country to its northern Mediterranean shores has proved especially lucrative. As conflict, climate change and lack of opportunity push increasing numbers of people across borders, draconian E.U. policies designed to curb migration funnel them into the hands of modern-day slave drivers. The trade might be most visible in Libya, where aid organizations and journalists have documented actual slave auctions. But now it is seeping into southern Europe too&mdashin particular Italy, where vulnerable migrants are being forced to toil unpaid in the fields picking tomatoes, olives and citrus fruits and trafficked into prostitution rings.

&ldquoWe no longer need slavers going into Africa to capture their quarry,&rdquo says Aboubakar Soumahoro, a union representative who came to Italy from Ivory Coast 17 years ago with the hope of finding a better life. &ldquoThe rope of desperation has replaced their iron chains. Now Africans are sending themselves to Europe and becoming slaves in the process.&rdquo

When Iabarot reached Libya&rsquos southern border, he met a seemingly friendly taxi driver who offered to drive him to the capital city, Tripoli, for free. Instead, he was sold to a &ldquowhite Libyan,&rdquo or Arab, for $200. He was forced to work off his &ldquodebt&rdquo on a construction site, a pattern that repeated each time he was sold and resold. &ldquoIf you work hard, you get bread,&rdquo he tells TIME from the darkened room of an abandoned hotel in Benin City that the Nigerian government is using to house human trafficking victims rescued from Libya. &ldquoIf you refuse to work, you are beaten. If you run away and get caught …&rdquo His voice trails off. The scar on his face says the rest.

In 2016, the year Iabarot set out from Nigeria, the number of migrants arriving in Italy from Libya spiked to 163,000, prompting a political backlash and a determination to stanch the flow at all costs. In February 2017, the E.U. launched a plan to train and equip the Libyan coast guard to intercept smuggler boats and keep the migrants in detention camps.

Two years later, the arrivals in Italy are down 89%. But the policy has caused a bottleneck on the other side of the Mediterranean and a lingering humanitarian crisis. The IOM estimates that nearly half a million sub-Saharan African migrants are currently trapped in Libya, ripe for exploitation by armed groups and corrupt officials. Julie Okah-Donli, director general of Nigeria&rsquos National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons, went on a fact-finding mission to Libya last year after hearing reports of Nigerians living in &ldquoslavelike conditions.&rdquo She tells TIME she was sickened by what she saw. &ldquoIn some of the camps we visited, they had already taken truckloads of the guys to go work on the farms and in the factories for no pay at all. As long as they are in those camps, they are treated like slaves.&rdquo

When CNN aired footage of what appeared to be African migrants being sold at a slave auction at a Libyan detention camp in November 2017, the outrage was immediate and global. The U.N. Security Council condemned the &ldquoheinous abuses,&rdquo the E.U. demanded &ldquoswift action,&rdquo and French President Emmanuel Macron called for a military rescue operation.

Yet just over a year on, little has been done to prevent these abuses. E.U. member states are renewing calls to halt Europe-bound migrants at the Libyan coastline. &ldquoThe situation for refugees and migrants in Libya remains bleak,&rdquo says Heba Morayef, Middle East and North Africa director for Amnesty International. &ldquoCruel policies by E.U. states to stop people arriving on European shores, coupled with their woefully insufficient support to help refugees reach safety through regular routes, means that thousands of men, women and children are trapped in Libya facing horrific abuses with no way out.&rdquo

When Joy, a 23-year-old Cameroonian university student, arrived in the coastal Libyan city of Sabratha in August 2017, she thought she was well on her way to France to pursue her dream of becoming a fashion model. But a government-backed militia, emboldened by the E.U. deal to crack down on migrant smuggling hubs, raided the compound where she was staying. She was picked up by a rival group and locked in a room with scores of other women for several months. The women were expected to work as prostitutes, and some were sold to buyers looking to staff their own brothels. Joy, several months pregnant at that time, was largely left alone, she says, but the conditions were &ldquoinhumane.&rdquo

Joy, who speaks the polished French of an educated woman, says the E.U. directive to curb migrant arrivals not only emboldens corrupt Libyans but also amplifies their deep-seated prejudice against black Africans. &ldquoThe Libyans understood that if the E.U. doesn&rsquot want blacks to come, it means we are not valuable as humans,&rdquo she tells TIME, cradling her newborn, in a shelter for trafficked women in Lagos, Nigeria. &ldquoThe E.U. is essentially rewarding these militias for abusing us, for raping us, for killing us and for selling us.&rdquo

The migrants who do make it across the Mediterranean are not free from the cycle of exploitation. On an autostrada in Puglia, southern Italy, last August, a van packed with Africans slammed headlong into a tomato truck and flipped across the meridian. Twelve of the migrant laborers, who had spent a grueling day working the harvest, died in the crash. It was the second such accident in two days. In total, 16 men&mdashfrom Ghana, Guinea, Gambia, Nigeria, Mali, Morocco and Senegal&mdashdied that weekend.

They had been ensnared by an ancient Italian system of press-gang labor called caporalato that enables farmers to outsource their labor needs to middlemen for a set fee, avoiding payroll taxes, work-safety requirements and minimum-wage payments in the process. It is illegal, widespread and dominated by organized crime. A 2018 report commissioned by Italy&rsquos trade unions estimates that some 132,000 workers suffer from the most exploitative aspects of caporalato, including nonpayment of wages and physical abuse. Most are migrants from sub-Saharan Africa and Eastern Europe.

& ldquoCaporalato has been around forever, but the system really takes advantage of migrants because of their vulnerable status,&rdquo says Yvan Sagnet, a 33-year-old antislavery activist from Cameroon who has been living in Italy since 2010. &ldquoThey don&rsquot have papers, they don&rsquot know their rights, and they are desperate to earn money.&rdquo

Sagnet would know&mdashhe was sucked into the caporalato system as a foreign student when a failed exam resulted in the loss of his university scholarship. A friend told him he could make money on the summer tomato harvest in Puglia, but when he arrived, he says, he was inducted into a system designed to extract the maximum amount of work for minimal pay.

The capo, or boss, told Sagnet he could make up to $33 a day filling crates with tomatoes. What he didn&rsquot mention was that the cost of transportation to the fields would be deducted from his wages, along with his water and his food. &ldquoAt the end of the day, I was making $4.50. It wasn&rsquot work. It was slavery. But most people had no choice,&rdquo says Sagnet.

A day after the second transport accident in Puglia, Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini, who is also head of the far-right, anti-migrant League party, decried the Mafia&rsquos role in the region&rsquos exploitative labor practices. Then he blamed the migrants: &ldquoThese episodes tell us that out-of-control immigration helps the Mafia. If there were no migrants desperate to be exploited, it would be more difficult for them to do business.&rdquo Stopping migration, he said, would put a stop to organized crime. It would also mean the end of inexpensive tomato sauce, wine and olive oil, says Sagnet, pointing out that Italians aren&rsquot willing to work 16-hour days, or harvest tomatoes for $4 a crate.

&ldquoThe problem isn&rsquot the Mafia or the migrants. It&rsquos the cost of cheap goods,&rdquo he says. When retailers tell farmers they will only buy tomatoes for 8¢ a kilo, says Sagnet, the farmers can&rsquot afford to pay normal wages. But if the stores charge more, customers will go somewhere else. Sagnet, who now runs an antislavery organization called No Cap, for &ldquono to caporalato,&rdquo says uber-competitive grocery stores are contributing to the abuse of migrant labor.

Sagnet estimates that the true retail cost of a kilo of tomatoes, including transport and processing, should be around $2.25. &ldquoIf you go to the market and see them for 30¢, it means they used caporalato. There is no other way to get tomatoes that cheap.&rdquo Sagnet estimates that 3 out of 5 items in every Italian&rsquos weekly food basket, including wine, cheese, fruit, vegetables and olive oil, are produced in part by unfair migrant labor.

It&rsquos not just Italians who benefit. The modern consumer&rsquos insatiable quest for $10 manicures, shiny new smartphones and cheap luxury foods comes at the cost of unfair labor. Everyday goods linked to the slave trade include cell phones, pet food, jewelry and canned tomatoes. The 2018 Global Slavery Index found that G-20 countries import some $354 billion worth of products at risk of being produced by modern slavery every year.

In Italy, Sagnet&rsquos organization is launching a certification process that will enable farmers to market their produce as slavery-free and local distributors to place certified products in grocery stores. Customers are already accustomed to paying slightly more for organic produce, he says. Now they will have the choice to buy bondage-free items as well. &ldquoOrganic is important, but isn&rsquot it also important to know that there was no slavery involved in the making of the food you eat?&rdquo

European customers are also responsible for a different kind of exploitative trade. Of the 16,000 women who arrived in Italy from Libya from 2016 to 2017, an incredible 80% fell victim to sex trafficking, according to the IOM&mdashdestined for a life of sexual slavery in the streets and the brothels of Europe.

One such woman is Gladys. At age 22, she left Nigeria after an aunt&rsquos friend offered her a job in a hair salon in the faraway city of Turin, Italy. Her trafficker kept her locked in a Libyan brothel, she says, denying her food and drink until she agreed to service clients. In the end, she sold her virginity for a plastic jug of water.

Finally arriving in southern Italy on a smuggler&rsquos boat, she called the aunt&rsquos friend, who said the job was still waiting. She even offered a place to stay. But when Gladys arrived in Turin, the woman&rsquos warm phone demeanor disappeared. Gladys owed $22,530 for the trip, she was told, and would have to work it off walking the streets as a prostitute. &ldquoI went to her house for help, thinking I would find comfort in a fellow Nigerian,&rdquo says Gladys bitterly. &ldquoInstead, she wanted to use me.&rdquo Gladys had no money, no papers and no place to stay. She says she had no choice but to do what the woman demanded.

Across Italy, Nigerian women are slowly displacing the Eastern Europeans who once dominated the illicit sex industry. Most, like Gladys, are from Nigeria&rsquos impoverished rural southwest, where a generation of young people are seeking their fortunes abroad. Recruiters, often in the guise of concerned family friends, lure young women&mdashand convince their parents&mdashwith promises of money to be made in Europe&rsquos hair salons, hotels and boutiques.

Once in Europe, the women are told that they owe anywhere from $20,000 to $60,000 to cover the cost of their journey. They are threatened with abuse, deportation or harm to their families back home if they don&rsquot pay. Once the debts are paid off, after three to five years of several $25 tricks a day, the trafficked women usually stay on in Europe to earn money on their own and perhaps return home with enough funds to buy a house, start a business or support their family. Often, says Okah-Donli of the Nigerian antitrafficking organization, the returnees become madams themselves, flaunting their wealth to lure new victims to Europe and perpetuating the cycle. That&rsquos what Gladys thinks happened to her aunt&rsquos friend in Turin.

Despite the threats from her madam, Gladys escaped as soon as she was able to skim a few hundred dollars from her daily earnings. But freedom was no better. Alone and terrified of being deported, Gladys reluctantly returned to what she knew best. Several months ago, she heard about a program in the northern Italian city of Asti that helps trafficking victims with job training, counseling and housing. But resources are few, and the organization, Progetto Integrazione Accoglienza Migranti (PIAM), has space for only 250 women. Gladys spent several months on a waiting list before the program could offer her shelter and counseling.

The need for more services is immense, says founder Princess Inyang Okokon, who was trafficked to Turin from Nigeria in 1999. Okokon estimates that there are 700 to 1,000 sex trafficking victims who need help in the Asti region alone. &ldquoEveryone talks about the problems of trafficking, but there is no discussion on what happens after a girl is trafficked,&rdquo says Okokon.

It&rsquos not surprising that many trafficked women return to prostitution, she says. Jobs are limited in Italy, even for the women who have learned Italian or who have the right to stay. And few want to return to Nigeria, laden with debt and the stigma of what they have done. &ldquoIt isn&rsquot a simple issue of them being economic migrants&mdashno, they were trafficked here, so they can&rsquot just be sent back,&rdquo Okokon says.

Some escape this cycle of modern slavery, but it&rsquos a fraught and complex process. After his final escape from his Libyan captors, Iabarot managed to scrape together enough money to purchase a place on a smuggler&rsquos boat. Within hours of departing, he was rounded up by the Libyan coast guard and sent back to a detention camp. Terrified of facing another round of torture and forced labor, Iabarot volunteered to return to Nigeria through an IOM repatriation program. A week later, on March 22, 2018, he and 148 other Nigerians landed in Lagos on a chartered plane. It was no small irony that Iabarot and his fellow Nigerians, many of them rescued from cases of indentured servitude, forced labor and outright slave auctions, were processed through the cargo terminal.

So far, more than 10,000 Nigerians have returned home through the aid agency&rsquos repatriation program. Each returnee is given a phone, a meal and the equivalent of $112 to get home. Once they are settled, they can apply for work training and small-business grants, but for most, homecoming is a bittersweet experience. &ldquoA lot of them took loans to pay the smugglers, or their families sold everything they had. So when they come back empty-handed like this, it&rsquos a challenge,&rdquo says IOM&rsquos migration program manager in Lagos, Abrham Tamrat. Many end up trying to go back to Europe.

Yet putting a stop to this sector of modern slavery starts by stopping irregular migration, says Kara, the slavery economist. A 2016 IOM report found that 7 out of 10 migrants crossing from North Africa to Europe had experienced exploitation of some kind or another, including kidnapping for ransom, forced labor, illegal detention and sexual violence. As conditions in Libya deteriorate, the situation is likely to get even worse. In Europe, anti-migrant sentiment is driving those without papers deeper underground, where they are more vulnerable to exploitation.

By 2050, 40% of the world&rsquos poorest people will be living in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria, according to the 2018 Gates Foundation Goalkeepers report. If the right investments aren&rsquot made now, says Okokon, of the Italian anti-trafficking organization PIAM, even more people will risk the journey abroad. &ldquoIf you really want to stop sex trafficking, give young Nigerians a reason to stay home. Invest in our youth. Give them jobs. If Nigeria is good for them, they won&rsquot risk their lives coming to Europe.&rdquo At the same time, she adds, it&rsquos essential to open up more venues for legal migration. It is nearly impossible for young Africans with little means to come to Europe, yet there is clearly a demand for their labor. &ldquoEurope needs farmers, domestic workers, people to harvest. Africa has that.&rdquo Soumahoro, the union representative in Italy, puts it more bluntly: &ldquoHumans are being sold because the embassies of Europe won&rsquot give visas to Africans.&rdquo

As long as the opportunities for men and women like Iabarot are limited in their home countries, they will continue risking everything to find something else in Europe. Iabarot says he wouldn&rsquot go through Libya again, but he would consider leaving again by a different route. &ldquoI had to leave because there was nothing for me here. There still isn&rsquot,&rdquo he says. &ldquoSo what should I do?&rdquo


1. 40% of New Yorkers Owned Slaves

Slavery in America is most commonly associated with southern plantation but many city dwellers also owned slaves and New Yorkers were no exception. In fact, New York was the biggest slave owning colony in the North. By 1741, 1,800 people amid a population 10,000, were black slaves. Blacks consisted of one third of the city’s workforce and one in every five households owned at least one slave. One Scottish traveler even complained, “it rather hurts a European eye to see so many negro slaves upon [New York’s] streets.”


The hidden links between slavery and Wall Street

This month marks 400 years since enslaved Africans were first brought to what is now the United States of America. Slavery was officially abolished in the US in 1865, but historians say the legacy of slavery cannot be untangled from its economic impact.

On a hot August day, 25 people are gathered around a small commemorative sign in New York's financial district. Their tour guide explains that this was the site of one of the US' largest slave markets.

Just two streets away from the current site of the New York Stock Exchange, men, women and children were bought and sold.

"This is not black history," says Damaris Obi who leads the tour. "This is not New York City or American history. This is world history."

It is also economic history.

Stacey Toussaint, the boss of Inside Out Tours, which runs the NYC Slavery and Underground Railroad tour, says people are often surprised by how important slavery was to New York City.

"They don't realise that enslaved people built the wall after which Wall Street is named," she says.

By some estimates, New York received 40% of US cotton revenue through money its financial firms, shipping businesses and insurance companies earned.

But scholars differ on just how direct a line can be drawn between slavery and modern economic practices in the US.

"People in non-slave areas - Britain and free US states - routinely did business with slave owners and slave commerce," says Gavin Wright, professor emeritus of economic history at Stanford University. But he says the "uniqueness" of slavery's economic contribution has been "exaggerated" by some.

Slavery thrived under colonial rule. British and Dutch settlers relied on enslaved people to help establish farms and build the new towns and cities that would eventually become the United States.

Enslaved people were brought to work on the cotton, sugar and tobacco plantations. The crops they grew were sent to Europe or to the northern colonies, to be turned into finished products. Those finished goods were used to fund trips to Africa to obtain more slaves who were then trafficked back to America.

This triangular trading route was profitable for investors.

To raise the money to start many future plantation owners turned to capital markets in London - selling debt that was used to purchase boats, goods and eventually people.

Later in the 19th Century, US banks and southern states would sell securities that helped fund the expansion of slave run plantations.

To balance the risk that came with forcibly bringing humans from Africa to America insurance policies were purchased.

These policies protected against the risk of a boat sinking, and the risks of losing individual slaves once they made it to America.

Some of the largest insurance firms in the US - New York Life, AIG and Aetna - sold policies that insured slave owners would be compensated if the slaves they owned were injured or killed.

By the mid 19th Century, exports of raw cotton accounted for more than half of US oversees shipments. What wasn't sold abroad was sent to mills in northern states including Massachusetts and Rhode Island to be turned into fabric.

The money southern plantation owners earned couldn't be kept under mattresses or behind loose floorboards.

American banks accepted their deposits and counted enslaved people as assets when assessing a person's wealth.

In recent years, US banks have made public apologies for the role they played in slavery.

In 2005, JP Morgan Chase, currently the biggest bank in the US, admitted that two of its subsidiaries - Citizens' Bank and Canal Bank in Louisiana - accepted enslaved people as collateral for loans. If plantation owners defaulted on loan payment the banks took ownership of these slaves.

JP Morgan was not alone. The predecessors that made up Citibank, Bank of America and Wells Fargo are among a list of well-known US financial firms that benefited from the slave trade.

"Slavery was an overwhelmingly important fact of the American economy," explains Sven Beckert, Laird Bell Professor of American History at Harvard University.

Prof Beckert points out that while cities like Boston never played a large role in the slave trade, they benefited from the connections to slave driven economies. New England merchants made money selling timber and ice to the south and the Caribbean. In turn, northern merchants bought raw cotton and sugar.

New England's fabric mills played a key role in the US industrial revolution, but their supply of cotton came from the slave-reliant south.

Brands like Brooks Brothers, the oldest men's clothier in the US, turned southern cotton into high-end fashion. Domino's Sugar, once the largest sugar refiner in the US, processed slave-grown sugar cane.

America's railroads also benefited from money earned through slave businesses. In the south, trains were built specifically to move agricultural goods farmed by enslaved people, and slaves were also used as labour to build the lines.

Some scholars even argue the use of slavery shaped modern accounting. Historian Caitlin Rosenthal points to enslavers who depreciated or lowered the recorded value of slaves over time as a way to keep track of costs.


Skatīties video: Все процессы сентября мой вышивальный уголокпокупки (Maijs 2022).